[Pak Daily Times] Depending upon which side of the divide they are, people comment differently on Hakeemullah Mehsud's elimination from the terror stage. However,some people are alive only because it's illegal to kill them...
all agree on the fact that the event has brought into public notice the fact that the Jamaat-e-Islami
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The Islamic Society, founded in 1941 in Lahore by Maulana Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi, aka
The Great Apostosizer. The Jamaat opposed the independence of Bangladesh but has operated an
independentbranch there since 1975. It maintains close ties with international Mohammedan groups such as the Moslem Brotherhood. the Taliban, and al-Qaeda. The Jamaat's objectives are the establishment of a pure Islamic state, governed by Sharia law. It is distinguished by its xenophobia, and its opposition to Westernization, capitalism, socialism, secularism, and liberalist social mores...
(JI) is the most outspoken ally of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistain (TTP), beating Fazlur Rehman's JUI-F by quite a margin. By aligning itself with the man who is responsible for the deaths of thousands of innocent civilians and the orchestration of numerous attacks on the armed forces of Pakistain, the JI has assumed for itself the role of TTP's Sinn Féin, which started supporting the Irish Republican Army (IRA) way back in 1919. It has chosen to move up from its vigilante role by providing the TTP with the hardcore ideology that forms the basis of a violent political movement, the aim of which is to seize power in order to establish its own version of theocracy. While initially the JUI was the ideological mentor of the TTP, people have failed to realise that the ever increasing influence of al Qaeda on this outfit and the Taliban's close association with the Saudis, Uzbeks and Chechens has meant that the ideological basis has shifted towards the Salafi school of thought. This has meant that the utility of JUI representing the Deobandi school is fading day by day. The JI, with its strong Salafi credentials, has taken the lead role.
The ideological basis of the JI and the Taliban of today is not much different. Never hiding his opinion about violent struggle, the JI's founder, Maulana Maududi, writes in his book Jihad in Islam: "But the most important -- indeed the most basic -- ideal of the revolutionary doctrines of that 'Revolutionary Party' known as Mohammedans is to expand all the powers of the body and soul, life and possessions, in the fight against the evil forces of the world; not so that, having annihilated them, we should step into their shoes, but so that evil and contumacy may be eradicated and Allah's law enforced on earth. This is the significance of jihad fi sabilillah, Jihad for the cause of Allah."
He then writes, in the same book: "The terms 'offensive' and 'defensive', which are usually applied to definitions of warfare, are not at all applicable in the case of Islamic jihad. These terms are relevant only in the context of wars between nations and countries, for technically speaking, the terms 'attack' and 'defence' can only be used with reference to a country or a nation." He further elaborates his point: "The division of Islamic jihad into 'offensive' and 'defensive' is not permissible. Islamic jihad is both offensive and defensive at one and the same time. It is offensive because the Mohammedan party attacks the rule of an opposing ideology, and it is defensive because the Mohammedan party is constrained to capture state power in order to protect the principles of Islam in space-time forces."
In his tract, 'Let us be Mohammedans', he says: "Whoever really wants to root out mischief and chaos from God's earth and is genuinely anxious to ameliorate the condition of God's creation, it is useless for him to work as a mere preacher. He should stand up to finish the government run on wrong principles, snatch power from wrongdoers and establish a government based on correct principles and following a proper system."
The TTP is doing just what Maulana Maududi advocated and has seized power wherever and however it can. The only deterrent to the TTP's mad desire to seize state power and advance its repressive ideology and influence beyond the tribal belt are the gallant operations of the nation's army working to protect the country's illusory sovereignty. The naive consider the TTP's agenda to be restricted to Afghanistan and Pakistain, and turn a blind eye to the TTP's alliances with al Qaeda and Jandullah, which points towards its desire to be a global player and a threat to overall regional security, with implications for China, Russia and Iran. Nation states were never Maududi's favourite and he opposed the creation of Pakistain -- "the state for Musalmans" -- under the All India Mohammedan League.
The ideology of the JI promotes violent political struggle beyond national boundaries. Similarly, the TTP also does not believe in the concept of a nation state and does not acknowledge the constitution of Pakistain, which recognises the illusory sovereignty of others. It did not come as a surprise that the recently booked al Qaeda members from educational institutions in Punjab were associated in the past with the Islami Jamaat-e-Talaba
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The Islamic Students' Organization: the student wing of the Jamaat-e-Islami, where young Moslems are trained into the arts of street fighting...
(IJT), the student wing of the JI. In the context of the TTP's ever-closer association with Arabs and Chechens, which points towards the ideological shift within the outfit, these hardliners from local institutions may have a role to play. Undoubtedly, with so much in common, it must have become difficult for the JI to continue putting up a neutral face.
The JI's ownership of foreign issues has never been based on Pakistain's national interests but on its own global agenda. The fervour it tried to create in Pakistain in support of ousted Egyptian President Morsi had nothing to do with love for democracy; it was because of Morsi's association with the Moslem Brüderbund. People will recall that the leaderships of the two parties made their covert association public two years ago when a blurb by the JI was carried in the local press announcing the meeting between the leaderships of the two brotherly entities at the Brotherhood's headquarters in Cairo. It is not surprising that the JI remained silent when freedom fighters were killed in Bahrain just because they belonged to the Shia community. Ironically, when democratic governments were packed up in Pakistain, the power hungry JI always sided with those usurping power.
Hakeemullah, the murderer, has been labelled by the JI leadership as a shaheed (a martyr). The JI has, in a way, owned Mehsud. This insult to people and the army has not gone down well with the armed forces and they have rightfully demanded an apology in a very dignified manner. The hardline leadership of the Jamaat has not even come up with that. The people of Pakistain demand more than this. It is time that the JI be asked to accept civil liability of this stance and, through due legal process, allow its funds and assets to be utilized for payment to the victims and families of those effected by Mehsud's campaign so that the ideological base for violent political struggle loses its operational capability and is neutralised for Pakistain's long-term good.