|Qazi Hussain Ahmed||Qazi Hussain Ahmed||Jamaat-e-Islami||India-Pakistan||Pakistani||At Large||20050806|
|Qazi Hussain Ahmed||Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal||Afghanistan/South Asia||Pakistani||At Large||20050715|
|Qazi Hussain Ahmed||Muthidda Majlis-e-Amal||India-Pakistan||20020829|
|Qazi Hussain Ahmed||Tehrik Hurmat-i-Quran||Afghanistan/South Asia||20050629|
|Qazi Hussain Ahmed||Mutthida Majlis-e-Amal||India-Pakistan||20060327||Link|
|Stop it, for God's sake -- Shumaila Raja|
|[Pak Daily Times] In the debate, 'Who is a shaheed (martyr) and who is not', we have gone too far, much to the amusement of our enemy. What the (JI) Ameer said was unfortunate, and it really hurt the sentiments of people, the army and the polity. But most of all unfortunate is the JI's opting to stick to its Ameer's stance, probably to gain political mileage. The JI was not in the mainstream. The only served to retrieve its 'lost glory'.|
This tiny issue has itself helped to distract the nation's attention from more pressing issues. The Pakistain intelligence agencies have issued reports indicating a rise in sectarian strife in Punjab during the month of Muharram. Two s will assail opponents during the last three days of Muharrum on the dates of 8th, 9th and 10th respectively. Terrorists will carry out targeted attacks on Shia gatherings, majaalis (commemorative gatherings) and mourning processions, as well as assassinating specific and prominent personalities in order to accomplish their ulterior motives.
This news came amidst reports that the US Senate Intelligence Committee has quietly approved a plan to step up both public and internal government oversight of the use of armed drones to kill suspected overseas, including US citizens. According to , the committee voted in closed session earlier this week to approve legislative language that would require the US spy agencies to make public statistics on how many people were killed or injured in missile strikes launched from US-operated drones. The committee also approved language intended to bolster scrutiny of spy agency deliberations over decisions about targeting US citizens or residents for lethal drone strikes overseas. The has been under pressure from foreign governments, the UN and groups to be more transparent and rigorous in accounting for the civilian casualties caused by drone strikes. Though the committee did not release full details of its deliberations on the measures, sources familiar with the discussions said that some committee Republicans were opposed to the drone-related clauses in the bill, which would authorise intelligence activities for the current government fiscal year that began on October 1.
With this in mind, some saner elements have stepped forward and started creating an environment of rapprochement, urging the JI to offer an apology and asking the military leadership to ignore it. One of the leading analysts, Ehsan Mahmood Khan, who recently authored a book, Human Security in Pakistain, said: "Syed Munawwar Hasan's statement looks to be an isolated and personal opinion. Consider a while that Liaquat Baloch, Jamaat-e-Islami's Secretary General, visited the native town of Major-General Sanaullah Khan Niazi in Daud Khel, Mianwali, on September 18, 2013. He offered condolences with the martyr's younger brothers, Rehmatullah Khan Niazi, DIG, and Ameenullah Khan, ex-Nazim, and paid rich tribute to . The JI's local leadership was also accompanying him. Addressing a conference there he told the media that the Pakistain army's sacrifices in the defence of the country were matchless and unprecedented. 'The whole nation is proud of its brave soldiers and officers.' He said that the external involvement in this tragic act could not be unattended, as it has been traced in many cases in the past. This is the time that the Pakistain army, people, political government and media are on one page, which is good omen indeed. Does it mean that Munawwar Hasan and Liaquat Baloch have different views or their point of view is not that of the Jamaat-e-Islami?"Addressing a on the spot, he said that the sacrifices of Pakistain army to curb extremism are matchless, and that the entire nation is proud of its army men.
another analyst, Hussain Naqi, has a different opinion. He said, "Howsoever belated, the ISPR retort to JI Amir Munawwar Hasan is interesting but one is surprised that the ISPR spokesperson was unaware that Munawwar's mentor Maulana Maudoodi, whom the ISPR spokesperson mentioned with admiration, had exactly similar views about the shuhada of Pakistain army's 1948 war, and what Maulana Maudoodi had said about the creation of Pakistain is also well known. For almost half a century, the army top brass has been collaborating with the Jamaat-e-Islami and its political philosophy in violation of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah's secular standpoint about Pakistain's polity."
In Shahbaz Thuttal's view, the Indians and CIA must be enjoying the outburst of the JI Ameer, as what they have been trying for the last over 60 years to divide the Pakistain nation in two groups and spread hatred against the army is now being actively done by the JI, who were the great supporters of and even became ministers under him. The Nawaz government should take a firm and strong stand. Now, otherwise, they will continue to be blackmailed by the JI. It is very strange that the PML-N is the only party that has not given any response so far, except for its Sindh Assembly minority that joined the resolution against the JI Amir's salvo. All other parties have supported the .
In his view, Riaz Jafri said, "I think we should bury the hatchet right here. The JI Ameer said something and the army and the general public gave their own point of view. That should be the end of it instead of insisting upon an 'unconditional apology' and the Ameer sticking to his own guns. Any further digging into the issue is likely to widen the chasm within the nation. Who is a shaheed and who is not, is not for them to decide. As a general belief all soldiers laying down their lives for their country and cause are assumed to be shaheed. Even in the Indian army any soldier dying on the front is called shaheed -- irrespective of his being a or non- . Muhammad Rafi's famous song has become immortal in this context and he is not addressing only the Indian s in it: "Watan ki raah me watan ke naujavan shaheed ho/Pukarate hai ye zamin-o-aasama'an shaheed ho/Shaheed teri maut hi tere watan ki zindagi/Tere lahu se jaag uthegi is chaman ki zindagi." he said, Syed Munawwar Hasan should have refrained from giving his opinion on such a sensitive matter and his utterances can only be termed as most untimely, immature and thoughtless to the extent of being reckless on his part.
Professor Alya Alvi has, however, raised very pertinent questions. She says that the former JI Ameer (late) twice survived murder attempts. If he were killed, what would then Munawwar Hasan call him: shaheed or killed? If, God forbid, Munawwar Hasan is killed in a , what would the JI call him: a martyr or just killed? The TTP killed namazis while offering Juma prayers in the Parade Lane mosque, and many other mosques and s. Were those innocent s not shaheed?" In fact, the JI and 's statements have tried to damage the national cause and create confusion among the people, particularly the soldiers of our armed forces who are ever ready to sacrifice their lives as and when the nation calls for it.
|Blast termed conspiracy against country|
|[Pak Daily Times] Ameer (JI) '>Bloody Karachi Muhammad Hussain Mahenti has said that the on Kirani Road in Quetta was a conspiracy against the of the country.|
He expressed these views while addressing the people of Hazara community who staged sit-in on MA Jinnah Road against the Quetta . He termed the blast as a complete failure of police, rangers, FC and other law enforcing agencies. On the occasion, Mahenti demanded of the government to arrest the culprits of the blast immediately and give them exemplary punishment.
"The law and order situation in Quetta has constantly been deteriorating despite the imposition of governor rule, however; the federal government has become a silent spectator over the said tragic condition," Mahenti added.
Mahenti said JI was always with the oppressed people and the sit-in would continue till the government accepted the demands made by Hazara community.
Speaking on the occasion, Mahenti announced the JI with the coordination of Ulema from different school of thoughts would hold a conference for bringing lasting peace in the country.
JI leader Nasrullah Shajih said the United States (US) and its allies in the country, were hatching conspiracies to destabilise Pakistain and the terrorist activists were the open proof of those machinations. "The entire country is burning with s, but the government has not yet taken any step to ensure the safety of the life and property of common people," Shajih added.
"JI wants to unite the nation, as , too, strived his entire life for the very cause," he added. staff report
|Indian atrocities in held Kashmir condemned|
|[Dawn] Activists of Azad Jammu and (JIAJK) on Sunday expressed solidarity with the struggling Kashmiris across the Line of Control (LoC) and condemned Indian atrocities.|
The JIAJK activists lined up on both sides of a bazaar, in Chakothi, 60 kilometres north of here, and held each other's hands to form symbolic chains. Some also raised their hands while chanting pro-freedom and anti-India slogans.
"Our course of action: Holy War," was their oft-repeated slogan on the occasion.
Interestingly, Chakothi bazaar is overlooked by the Indian army posts situated on lofty mountains across the LoC. Prior to the 2003 ceasefire, it was regularly pounded by the Indian troops with artillery shells.
Speaking to participants, Sheikh Aqeelur Rehman, commander Shamshir Khan and others took strong exception to what they called passiveness of the international community towards flagrant abuses in Indian held .
If the international community was genuinely concerned about peace in South Asia, it will have to facilitate early settlement of the issue of in accordance with the wishes and aspirations of the Kashmiri people, they said.
Otherwise, they warned, peace would remain a distant dream.
The speakers vowed to continue struggle until the eviction of Indian soldiers from .
They also paid tributes to , former amir of JI Pakistain, for his strong commitment to the cause of Kashmiris and prayed for the deliverance of his soul.
Earlier, the JIAJK activists reached Chakothi in a rally, which started from press club Muzaffarabad, with its participants hoisting JI flags. The rally was greeted with welcoming slogans in many towns, on its way to Chakothi.--
|Islamic sendoff for Qazi Hussain Ahmed in Peshawar|
The funeral prayers were led by JI Chief , and were attended by a large number of political and religious leaders including Central Amir of Jamaat e Ulema Islam (JUI-F) Fazlur Rehman, Chairman Qaumi Watan Party (QWP), Aftab Ahmed Khan Sherpao, Pakistain President, Javed Hashmi, JUI-F leader, Hafiz Hussain Ahmed, JI leader Liaquat Baloch, Former Senior Minister, Siraj Ul Haq, JUI-Sami Chief, Maulana , Professor Khurshid Ahmed, former MNA Shabeer Ahmed Khan, senators, members of the parliament, officials, ex-local government representatives, and a large number of workers of JI.
After the prayers, his body was shifted to Ziarat Kaka Sahib in Nowshera district where he was laid to rest in his ancestral graveyard.
Earlier today, Ahmed's body was brought from Islamabad to his residence in Peshawar.
Many party workers and supporters from all over the country were traveling to Peshawar to attend the funeral.
President of Pakistain Asif Ali Zardari, Prime Minister Raja Pervez Ashraf, Federal Information Qamar Zaman Kaira, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Governor and Chief Minister offered condolences over the death of the veteran politician and called it a great loss.
Pakistain league- Nawaz (PML-N) chief , Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif, (MQM) chief Altaf Hussain and Religious scholar and Minhaj-ul-Koran International chief Dr Tahirul Qadri, among others, also offered condolences over the demise of the former JI chief.
The 74-year-old religious scholar had died in Islamabad of cardiac illness.
Ahmed was suffering from cardiac disease for quite some time and turned critical three days ago.
Qazi Hussain Ahmed, 74, was also a prominent religious scholar, Islamic theologian, Islamic democracy advocate.
Qazi joined JI in 1978 and was elected as the party's ameer (chief) in 1987, a position he would be re-elected to on two more occassions before finally stepping down in 2009. He served as the party's ameer for 22 years.
Last November, he escaped an attack unhurt when a detonated explosives near his convoy in the Mohmand tribal agency.
|Qazi Hussain Ahmed shuffles off mortal coil in Islamabad|
|[Dawn] ISLAMABAD: Former Jamaat-i-Islami (JI) chief and veteran politician Qazi Hussain Ahmed passed away in Islamabad, DawnNews reported early Sunday.|
Qazi Hussain Ahmed, 74, was also a prominent religious scholar, Islamic theologian, Islamic democracy advocate.
He was a strong critic of counter-terrorism policy of the United States, and was widely known for his opposition against United States participation in civil war in the neighbouring Afghanistan.
Ahmed was suffering from cardiac disease for quite some time and turned critical three days ago.
His body will be shifted to his native town Peshawar.
Qazi joined JI in 1978 and was elected as the party's ameer (chief) in 1987, a position he would be re-elected to on two more occassions before finally stepping down in 2009.
Last November, he escaped an attack unhurt when a suicide bomber detonated explosives near his convoy in the Mohmand tribal agency.
|Who Attacked Qazi?|
|The on the former chief indicates a growing ideological divide between religious parties and the Taliban|
On October 19, former Jamaat-e-Islami chief narrowly escaped a suicide attack in Gandau area of . A burqa-clad woman blew herself up near his convoy injuring five.
Qazi's procession was headed to the Mian Mandi area of Haleemzai tehsil to address a gathering and open a party office when it came under attack near Ghyiba Chowk, according to Adil Siddique, the political agent. According to a witness, a woman sitting on the roadside detonated the explosives strapped to her body when the convoy arrived. Officials found pieces of female clothing and hair on the site.
The event was not postponed despite the suicide attack. Qazi told s later that he had been attacked by "the agents of the US, Israel and India", and not by s.
Although nobody has for the bombing, Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistain chief Hakeemullah Mehsud had released a video several months ago in which he had denounced Qazi and questioned his stance on TTP attacks in Pakistain. In the Pashto video made and released by Umer Media, Mehsud cites an April 2012 interview by Salim Safi on Geo TV. He criticized Qazi for saying that the Afghan Taliban's resistance against foreign forces was true jihad and that of the Pak Taliban against Pakistain was un-Islamic. Hakimullah argued that the JI leader was wrong.
Qazi had refused to respond to the video. "I know about the existence of this videotape, but I have no comments to make," he told s.
Militants operating in Mohmand Agency are led by Omar Khalid, whose real name is Abdul Wali. A source in the police said the Mohmand chapter of TTP was involved in most of the recent attacks on in the neighboring Charsadda and districts.
On November 11, a bomb planted near the house of Jamaat-e-Islami Peshawar chief and former Sabir Hussain Awan went off, damaging a nearby house and a mosque.
Last year, police defused a bomb planted near the house of another JI leader, Shabbir Ahmad Khan. At least 27 people including JI Peshawar vice chief Haji Dost Muhammad and a deputy superintendent of police were killed in a suicide attack in Qissa Khwani Bazar of Peshawar in April 2010.
Fazlur Rehman, chief of -Fazl, survived two successive suicide attacks in Swabi and Charsadda in March 2011.
Several activists and leaders of the JUI-F have been targeted and killed in Khyber Pakhtunkwa and FATA in the last four years. Those who died include Mairajuddin, a former MNA from the Mehsud area of South , Noor Muhammad Wazir, a former MNA from the Wazir area of South Waziristan, and Haji Afzal Khan, former district mayor of Hangu.
These attacks are significant because JUI-F and JI are considered pro-Taliban. Some political analysts believe the attacks indicate a growing ideological divide between the religious political parties and Pak Taliban concerning the legitimacy of the Pak state.
The TTP openly denounces democracy and calls the state un-Islamic. The religious parties participate in elections and recognize the authority of the Pak state.
The March 2011 attempts on Fazlur Rehman came days after leaked US State Department cables revealed JUI-F leaders reportedly wanted to mediate between the US and the Afghan Taliban. Analysts say the Afghan Taliban and Al Qaeda decided to sever links with the JUI-F after that.
Serious differences had also been reported between Jamaat-e-Islami and Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi led by Sufi Mohammad and his son-in-law Fazlullah. Sufi was a local leader of the JI in Dir district until the early 1980s, when he parted ways with them and violated their policy of getting power only through elections.
|Karzai writes to Pakistani politicians, urges cooperation against extremism|
|[Dawn] has written letters to top political and religious leaders in Pakistain, denouncing the Taliban attack on a Pak teenager who is promoting girls' education and asking them to help battle extremism in both countries.|
Karzai's office said in a statement issued late Saturday that the president wrote that the attack on 14-year-old schoolgirl Malala Yousufzai indicated that both Afghanistan and Pakistain need to take "coordinated and serious" steps to fight terrorism and extremism.
Karzai wrote that he views the shooting as an attack on Afghanistan's girls as well. "It is a deplorable event that requires serious attention," Karzai wrote.
Those upset about the shooting should not be silenced, he wrote, and both Afghans and Paks need to cooperate and fight with strong resolve against terrorism and extremism so that the "children of Afghanistan and Pakistain" can be saved from oppression.
Karzai has been pushing Islamabad to take more action against groups that he says hide out in Pakistain and then cross into Afghanistan to conduct attacks on Afghan officials and security forces and on international forces.
The letters were sent to more than a dozen political and religious leaders, including Pakistain ; Prime Minister Raja Pervaiz Ashraf; , the leader of Pakistain's League -- Nawaz Party; , leader of the Islamic party ; Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain, who heads the Pakistain League-Q; and , a cricket star who leads the party.
Khan has been especially outspoken against US drone attacks. Khan has argued in the past that Islamabad's alliance with Washington is the main reason Pakistain is facing a homegrown Taliban insurgency and that activity in Pakistain's tribal areas will dissipate when US troops withdraw from Afghanistan.
Earlier this month, Khan led a protest against US drone attacks, saying that as long as they continue, anti-American sentiment in Pakistain could continue to rise.
Malala Yousufzai, 14, was seriously when a Taliban shot her in the head on Tuesday on her way home from school. She is widely respected for being an activist for girls' education in the Valley where she lives, and the rest of Pakistain. The shooting set off an international outcry against s.
|[Dawn] NOW it is the realm of television programming and advertising that has attracted the Supreme Court's attention. Summoning the chief of the Pakistain Electronic Media Regulatory Authority in response to petitions moved by two conservative figures, the former amir of the and a retired Supreme Court justice, Wajihuddin Ahmed, the court on Monday demanded action within a week against 'obscene' and 'vulgar' programming and advertisements on private TV channels aired in Pakistain. Pause for a moment and consider the various problems that afflict this country and that the court is embroiled in. That obscenity and vulgarity on television -- and this before the debate about whether the impugned content is at all obscene or vulgar -- figures in the scheme of things to fix at the highest levels at the moment is somewhat worrying.|
Two points need to be made here. First, the excesses that do frequently occur on television -- from content that foments religious intolerance to coverage of terrorist attacks that are insensitive to victims' families and badly handled, and from opinion-laden shows that are divorced from fact to invasion of privacy and worse in intrusive programming -- do need serious redressal. government regulation is not the way to go. The Musharraf era epitomised the problem: even the most ardent supporters of a free and independent media in power cannot be trusted to not use government regulation to stifle media freedom. Where self-regulation thus far has failed, perhaps what the government can do is act as a for the creation of a regulatory body that is truly independent, professionally run along non-ideological lines and responsive to both the media's and consumers' concerns. But to trust the government with a direct and hands-on role in regulating media content is
an unwelcome idea: today it is obscenity and vulgarity, tomorrow it will be the 'national interest' and 'national security' that will demand certain lines be drawn.
Second, the outmoded idea of what content is vulgar or obscene needs to be discarded. Strangely, violence on television -- domestic, criminal, extrajudicial -- rarely attracts the same kind of censure as does content in which women are attired in a certain way or filmed interacting with men in a certain way. The same goes for intolerance, xenophobia, bigotry and hate spewed on TV: it doesn't attract the same kind of censure as does a woman dancing or singing lustily. The collective ownership that society wants to impose on its women is a problem itself. In the name of moral policing, Pakistain has ended up with deeply skewed priorities: keep the women covered up; let the monsters run loose.
|Appeasement policy towards US not acceptable, says Qazi|
|[Dawn] former amir has said that the announcement by the American officials to continue drone attacks is a slap in the face for Pak rulers and the policymakers should learn from past mistakes.|
Talking to this correspondent here late Friday, he rejected the parliament's recommendations for resumption of supplies via Pakistain to the US-led forces in Afghanistan and said that the people would not accept an appeasement policy towards the US.
Mr Ahmed said that the best option for the government was to reconsider its policies and give up cooperating with the US in the so-called fight against terrorism.
"The 'war on terror' is not in Pakistain's interests. We have said this from the day Pakistain started toeing the American policy line in the region," he said. He questioned why millions of people were displaced as a result of military operations in tribal areas and compelled to take shelter in camps and pass through a shameful period of their life.
Mr Ahmed and other leaders of his party had said on numerous occasions before the parliament's decision that the JI workers would block the NATO-supply routes if the government moved to reopen it.
"The attack on Salala checkpost in which 26 of our gallant jawans in November last year had brought disgrace for the entire nation," the JI leader said and asked why the unprovoked attack of the US-led forces was backed by the NATO commanders and no action taken against the forces involved in the incident.
Answering a question, the JI leader said that innocent people were being killed in the US drone attacks in total violation of international laws. He said that the government should give up double standard and clearly tell the Americans for an
immediate stoppage of drone strikes in the tribal belt.
About 'war on terror', he said that the American policymakers tactfully dragged Pakistain into this useless war.
"We have suffered economic losses of about $70 billion, while over 40,000 innocent people were killed in this 'war on terror'. Despite this our rulers keep on saying that it is our war and they would continue it. This is an appeasement policy, which is not acceptable to us," he said.
He said that the tribal people who rendered sacrifices for Pakistain could scuttle the reopening of NATO supply line. "The JI would support them in their endeavours," he said.
Mr Ahmed said that the US had betrayed Pakistain because sophisticated weapons were transported through Pak routes of Torkham and Chaman and the same arms had been used for killing innocent people, mostly Pakhtuns, in
Afghanistan and Pakistain.
He urged the party workers to prepare for the next general elections because the rulers had failed on all fronts.
|[Dawn] In the early 1990s when the then ameer of the Jamat-i-Islami (JI), decided to add a more populist dimension to the otherwise exclusivist Jamat, the old guard of the party balked. Some Jamat members felt that Qazi's attempt to make JI a more populist party was done to counter the image of JI being an establishment-backed party that had been used by various figures to meet their own ends.|
There is enough evidence to maintain that the above is correct. Though JI was a staunch opponent of Jinnah, ironically it burst on to the mainstream with the help of one of Jinnah's associates, the then chief minister of , Mumtaz Daultana. In spite of being a secularist, Daultana used the JI and another fundamentalist party, the Ahrar, to instigate a violent religious movement in Punjab in 1953 to divert the attention of the people from the grave economic failings of his ministry.
Hassan Abbas in 'Pakistain's Drift into Extremism' writes that Daultana unleashed JI and Ahrar to turn food riots against his ministry into a full blown movement against the Ahmadiya community. But JI's rise was thwarted by the arrival of the Ayub Khan dictatorship in 1958 that was secular in orientation. The JI did return to its new-found politics of agitation against many of the Ayub regime's policies, but since the party was unable to find any worthwhile patronage from the military-bureaucratic elite, it was largely overshadowed by various leftist political groups, especially the National Awami Party (NAP), the Pakistain People's Party (PPP) and the National Students Federation (NSF).
The three triggered the fall of Ayub in 1969, and the JI suddenly came back into reckoning, this time tacitly supported by yet another secularist opportunist, General Yahya Khan. Faced with the rising tide of leftist agitation, Yahya, a heavy drinker, decided to patronise the JI as a counterforce. Hussain Haqqani in his book, 'Pakistain: Between Mosque & Military' suggests that it was during the Yahya dictatorship (1969-71) that the JI was given leeway to penetrate both state and privately-owned Urdu media. Militant JI groups were also tolerated as long as they were attacking leftist parties.
But state patronage failed to transform the JI into an electoral success. It was trounced by secular parties in the 1970 elections. this didn't stop the Yahya regime to use the JI to formulate fanatical pro-military 'hit-squads' in the former East Pakistain against Bengali nationalists. Ironically, when the military lost the 1971 war against Bengali separatists and their Indian backers, the JI turned around and accused its own patrons, Yahya's military, of 'drunkenness and debauchery'.
This is also when JI began finding sympathetic ears in the military, especially in the shape of junior officers. The new 'socialist' PPP regime led by Z A Bhutto allowed the spreading of JI's influence in the military, believing that this would keep the military's 'Bonapartist' tendencies in check. By the mid-1970s, JI had penetrated a large section of the media and the military.
Added to this was the growing influence of JI's student-wing, the IJT, on major campuses -- a happening one of Bhutto's youngest ministers, Meraj Muhammad Khan, claims was facilitated by Bhutto himself.
According to Meraj, after following the example of certain other secular regimes in countries of the time (Egypt, Algeria and Tunisia), Bhutto too over-exaggerated the threat of Soviet-backed leftist radicals, and consequently encouraged the fragmentation of leftist student groups and tactically allowed the flowering of right-wing groups on campuses. After creating various openings for the JI, Bhutto thought he was neutralising the party, whereas all the while the JI was cultivating relations with military men and the industrialists who'd been bitten by Bhutto's nationalisation policies.
All these links came to fruition when in 1977, JI embraced other religious outfits to successfully lead a protest movement against Bhutto, eventually paving the way for the country's third (and harshest) military dictatorship overseen by General Ziaul Haq ( a disciple of JI's chief and scholar, Abul Aala Maududi).
Between 1977 and 1984, JI experienced its most active moments. It first became part of Zia's cabinet and then supplied the ideological engine and manpower that Zia needed to impose his version of 'Islamic laws' and peruse his pro-Jihad policies in Afghanistan.
After Zia's death, JI automatically joined the ISI-backed anti-PPP electoral alliance, the IJI. Former Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto, accused the ISI for mobilising the JI into holding a violent 'long march' against her first government in 1989.
Then, in 1999, when JI's former partner in the IJI, , began peace talks with India (during his second government), JI became the most vocal opponent of the talks. In his book, 'Frontline Pakistain,' Zahid Hussain suggests the JI street protest was instigated by the military chief, General , who was against Nawaz's new Indian policy.
Some analysts believe that it was again Musharraf who 'facilitated' the electoral victory of the right-wing MMA (of which the JI was a part) in in the 2002 elections. Today, led by Munawar Hassan, JI stands burdened by a past dented by episodes of being (willingly) used by manipulative secularists and Islamists alike; of being the 'B team of the agencies' and (according to Tariq Fathah's 'Chasing a Mirage'), of being a tool of western powers and against the left (during the Cold War).
It will take a lot more from JI than holding passionate anti-US rallies and collecting money to bring Aafia Siddiqui back from the US jail for it to ever again be reconsidered an important political player in the country's changing political landscape--unless, of course, people like have other plans for this party.
|Govt must not launch any operation in Waziristan: JI|
|[Dawn] Former head of the Jamaat-e-Islami, Qazi Hussain Ahmed said the government must act according to the decisions made in the All Parties Conference, DawnNews reported on Sunday.|
He also warned government against an army operation in and said that his party will launch strong protests if such an operation is conducted.
Speaking to an anti-US rally in , he said that the government should act upon the recommendations of the APC and distance itself from US policies.
Qazi Hussain said that the whole nation will come out on to the streets if an operation were launched Waziristan. He said that the government had pledged during the APC that it will not launch any new military operations in Waziristan but after the recent visit of , it seems as if the government was thinking otherwise.
|US looking for excuse to attack: Qazi|
|[Dawn] Former Amir of Jamaat-i-Islami Qazi Hussain Ahmed has said that the US push for establishing a relation between the Haqqani network and ISI is a mere drama in order to materialise its plan of attacking Pakistain.|
"Had the US any interest in elimination of the Haqqani network it will have attacked it in Afghanistan, as it had nothing to do with Pakistain," he said.
The JI leader disclosed that during his recent meeting in Iran with Afghan leader -- who was assassinated a few days ago -- he (Rabbani) had said that the believed that his brother Ahmed Wali Kazai was killed by the US.