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Europe
'Killers of the Genius of the Carpathians': The Ghost of Ceausescu Sets Romania at loggerheads with the EU
2024-09-27
Direct Translation via Google Translate. Edited.
by Igor Ivanenko

[REGNUM] Hundreds of shepherds who have come out to the central square of Bucharest are demanding the resignation of the government and a reduction in the influence of the European Union on Romania's internal affairs. Farmers are outraged by the mass slaughter of sheep, which the authorities are carrying out in accordance with the European protocol in the context of the spread of plague among animals. Meanwhile, Romania is turning from a supplier into an importer of meat.

Opposition politicians joined the protest. Among them was the outrageous member of the European Parliament, Diana Sosoacă. At one of the first sessions of the European Parliament, the Romanian shouted at Ursula von der Leyen that she was killing people in Ukraine. And when she was forcibly removed from the session hall, she put on a dog muzzle in protest against the restrictions on expressing her position.

The paradox of Romanian politics is that the current cabinet, headed by the social democrat Marcel Ciolacu, cannot be called very pro-Western. The protégés of the PSD (Social Democratic Party) are trying to maneuver between the directives of Euro-Atlantic structures and national interests.

THE LONG-SUFFERING PATRIOT
The situation with the transfer of one of the two Patriot air defense systems on combat duty in the country to Ukraine is indicative. The corresponding decision of the National Defense Council, taken under pressure from the United States, took place in June of this year. In early September, this deal, unpopular in Romania, was approved by the parliament.

But it has not been implemented yet, and there is no certainty that it will be implemented, at least until the presidential elections in the USA. After all, if Donald Trump suddenly wins, it is not at all a fact that Bucharest will receive the promised compensation instead of the air defense missile system given to Kiev.

Despite Brussels' position, Romania maintains high levels of public spending. Bucharest's budget deficit is the largest in the EU, which recently even led to a downgrade of the country's credit rating.

Unlike neighboring Bulgaria, Romania is in no hurry to part with Russian business, which has solid assets in the Carpathian-Danubian country. On the contrary, its positions are even strengthening.

On September 25, it became known that the Serbian company NIS received a license as an electricity supplier on the Romanian market. The largest shareholder of this company is the Russian Gazprom.

At the same time, Bucharest is luring away companies that change their location due to geopolitical upheavals. For example, on September 20, a car tire plant of the Finnish company Nokian Tyres began operating in the northwest of the republic.

Previously, this production was located in Russia and Ukraine. Cholaku, who attended the opening of the new plant, said that he views this event as the beginning of a program to restore heavy industry in the country.

DISAPPOINTED EXPECTATIONS
The SDP, which controls the government, is also hinting at a possible distancing from its main political partner, the European People's Party (led by Ursula von der Leyen) in the new national parliament. This is the National Liberal Party (NLP), which is still in coalition with the SDP.

Thus, the chairman of the National Council of Social Democrats, Mihai Tudose, does not rule out the possibility of creating a coalition with populist Eurosceptics from the Alliance for the Unification of Romanians following the December parliamentary elections.

Five MEPs from the latter voted, by the way, against a resolution recently adopted in Brussels calling on Ukraine’s partner countries to allow Kyiv to carry out military strikes deep into Russian territory.

Of course, the prospect of such a parliamentary majority in the largest country in South-Eastern Europe cannot please the supporters of maintaining the European dictate. In this regard, attempts are being made to weaken the "too independent" Social Democrats.

The distribution of seats in the renewed European Commission ended in great disappointment for the SDP. In its current composition, Romania received the clearly not very significant post of Commissioner for Human Resources and Skills. The administrative frivolity of this position lies in the fact that it does not have a single European directorate subordinate to it.

This situation is perceived almost as a personal defeat for the leader of the PSD, Ciolacu, since according to Romanian law, it is the Prime Minister who nominates the candidate for European Commissioner from his country.

In previous European Commissions, the Romanians were entrusted with much more serious areas of work: agriculture, regional development, transport. Along with their influence on international affairs, they brought generous investments into the national economy.

At the start of the campaign to create a new team for von der Leyen, the Romanian Prime Minister publicly stated that his country was fighting for the position of European Commissioner for the Economy. He probably also proceeded from preliminary behind-the-scenes agreements. After all, in the summer elections to the European Parliament, the SDP greatly helped the European People's Party, having gone through the election campaign in an equal alliance with the clearly weaker PNL (a local creature of the European "populists").

However, the socialist prime minister's stated ambitious goal turned out to be unattainable, for which Ciolaku is now being heavily criticized.

A BLOW FROM THE PAST
Finally, the investigation into the circumstances of the overthrow of the president of socialist Romania, Nicolae Ceausescu, in 1989 could deal a serious blow to the Social Democrats.

The military prosecutor's office has completed the proceedings against the first president of post-revolutionary Romania and head of the National Salvation Front, Ion Iliescu. The nearly 95-year-old politician is accused of causing deaths during the overthrow of Ceausescu, as well as crimes against humanity.

But the most important and sensational thing is that Iliescu allegedly asked the Soviet Union for military assistance to suppress the security forces that remained loyal to the dictator. The latter is considered by modern Romanian law enforcement officials as high treason.

At the same time, the shooting of Ceausescu without an actual criminal case is considered by investigators to be murder. And the change of power in 1989 itself is interpreted not as a revolution, but as the seizure of power by one part of the nomenklatura from another.

For the current SDP, such assessments are dangerous because it is perceived as the successor of the National Salvation Front. Meanwhile, Ceausescu's popularity is growing year after year, especially among the left-wing electorate, on which the Social Democrats rely.

Therefore, the trial of Iliescu can be used to the detriment of the party that currently dominates Romania. For the followers of Ceausescu, it can be presented as the heir to the murderers of the "genius of the Carpathians". And for the pro-European voter, it can be shown that there was no popular revolution in 1989 and that the country continues to be ruled by the proteges of the communist nomenklatura.

Moreover, the biography of Ciolacu himself is quite suitable for illustrating both hypotheses. He began his political career in the Romanian Communist Party, then ended up in the National Salvation Front and even participated in the events of 1989, and later became a member of the PSD.

Thus, the Romanian Prime Minister faces a difficult choice: whether to continue the pragmatic course, exploiting the nostalgia of his compatriots for a strong Romania, or to become more obedient towards Euro-Atlantic structures.
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