BY AYAD ALLAWI
Monday, February 28, 2005 12:01 a.m. EST
Barely a month ago, Iraqis voted in their first ever fully democratic elections. It was an exciting and proud moment for all Iraqis, free at last after decades of tyranny. There was never any doubt, despite the intimidation and terrorism, that millions of Iraqis would take their chance to play their part in history.
The new--and freely elected--Iraqi Parliament has already been formed. We are now in the process of shaping the new Executive. When this is achieved, the role of the Interim Government will be complete. For me, personally, it has been a great honor to have played my part in laying the foundations for a free and prosperous Iraq, at peace with itself and with its neighbors.
We faced many challenges, not least in ensuring the Iraqi people had this chance to take control of their own future. But the challenges for the next government are just as many and as daunting. Above all, we must continue the process of national reconciliation which has, in truth, only just begun. It is now clear that early decisions to disband the army and to engage in a doctrinal, as opposed to a more pragmatic, de-Baathification process have made the task harder. They were, I accept, taken for the best of motives but their impact has been to increase suspicions among ethnic and religious groups and to make it harder to improve security.
We have to work hard to tackle these challenges. Most important, we must ensure that all views and constituencies are included and reflected as we build the new government and security forces, in the appointment of ministers and officials, and as we continue to build new and stronger relationships with our neighbors.
It is why the drafting of the new constitution--the main task of the new Parliament--is so crucial to the future of our country. The task of writing this constitution is as critical for us as the task performed by your country's Founding Fathers. Our Founding Fathers must ensure the constitution guarantees basic rights for all Iraqis, safeguards our hard-won democracy and reflects fairly--and is seen to reflect--the views of Iraq's diverse population. If we can meet this challenge, the new constitution will provide a huge opportunity to heal the divisions across Iraqi society which were deliberately deepened by Saddam Hussein. It will be of immense practical and symbolic importance, showing just how determined we are to heal the wounds and to live as brothers and sisters in our own country.
The Shia Islamist community who engaged with such enthusiasm in January's elections must show they will not exploit their parliamentary strength to the exclusion and detriment of other groups. They should invite the full participation of the Iraqi community and this invitation must be warm and genuine. If it is, the Sunni, liberal Shiites, Christians and others must respond with equal sincerity. Having been reassured that they will not face collective retaliation for the crimes of the predominantly Sunni Baathist regime, they now need to engage fully and without hesitation in the political process.
We have a better chance of getting this right if the constitutional debate is as broad and public as possible. The whole of Iraqi society needs to be engaged in both the debate and the reconciliation which it should bring. This places a big responsibility on the new, free media in Iraq.
But the pan-Arab media has a big role to play as well--something it already appeared to relish during the election campaign. Arabic satellite TV stations such as Al Arabiya were obviously excited and inspired by the sight of real democracy in the heart of the Arab world. By reporting fairly on the elections, they in turn inspired their Arab audience across the Middle East and beyond. Iraqis were proud to see their country dominating the region's airwaves, and indeed the media of the world, for reasons not of war or conflict, but for the fascinating sight of real democracy at work.
The elections were a big turning point--not just in Iraq but also internationally. In Iraq, we are relieved that the much-needed reconciliation between pro-war and antiwar powers has now been achieved. Now that the differences about the past have been confined to history, we can all focus on the needs of the future. I am delighted to see that more European countries and others are now coming forward to help us in the huge task of rebuilding our country.
Beyond these political challenges, two other familiar and no less formidable challenges remain: Iraq's security and Iraq's economy. We need to continue to build Iraq's security forces and security apparatus in a transparent and accountable, as well as effective, manner. This will both improve security and allow the multinational forces to leave Iraq. Grateful as we are to the international community for the help and their sacrifices to date, Iraqis should be able to start taking over more and more security responsibilities very soon. But we will continue to need and to seek assistance for some time to come.
Security is also absolutely essential to rebuild the economy, to create the jobs Iraqis need and to start the slow process of spreading prosperity. We were once one of the most prosperous countries in the region. We can be again. Our natural resources remain, as do the skills and energy of the Iraqi people. Many of the building blocks--domestic and international--are in place for a real explosion in Iraq's production and productivity. But the real effects will not be felt until better security unlocks much of the dormant capital and the potential investment waiting to come in.
The period ahead will be no less fascinating than the last 20 months in Iraq. The pace and the extent of change will be no less rapid or far-reaching. Some of the focus of the international community--at least the non-Arab community--may shift away now that we have reached and passed as critical a milestone as January's elections. And that will, frankly, be welcome: The unremitting glare of the world's spotlights all trained on Iraq has made our job at times even harder than it otherwise would have been.
But our enthusiasm, and my enthusiasm, for the job ahead is no less today than it was in April 2003. In Iraq, as we build our future, we make history. The support of our allies, who have already given so much, will remain crucial to our success. But that future first and foremost depends on our own commitment and efforts. I can assure you that no one wants to see a successful Iraq more than the Iraqis themselves. And I am confident that we have both the ability and the determination to succeed.
Posted by: Sobiesky ||
02/28/2005 12:41:24 AM ||
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#1
Hard to argue with this: Our Founding Fathers must ensure the constitution guarantees basic rights for all Iraqis, safeguards our hard-won democracy and reflects fairly--and is seen to reflect--the views of Iraqâs diverse population. Seems like he's using the Jeffersonian model, not the EU model. So how long before someone wacks him?
Posted by: Bobby ||
02/28/2005 10:39 Comments ||
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#2
Seems like he's using the Jeffersonian model, not the EU model.
Gee, that's probably because he's not talking about a continent-wide treaty between 25 sovereign nations, each with its own foreign policy.
Posted by: Bobby ||
02/28/2005 13:09 Comments ||
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#5
Besides, the Jeffersonian model may not go over well with the Kings of the Belgians, Spaniards and Swedes or with the Queens of Denmark, the Netherlands,and the U.K. or with the Grand Duke of Luxembourg. Those are a few of the "betters" hailed in the preamble of the E.U. "Constitution". Page 11 at:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/nol/shared/bsp/hi/pdfs/21_07_04cg00086.en04.pdf
Posted by: Tom ||
02/28/2005 13:21 Comments ||
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#11
Mmm... the Belgian/Iberian/Scandinavian monarchs seem a bit more modest in their royal pretensions (e.g. none of them still claims kingship even over independent nations like Australia/Canada/New Zealand etc, no House of Lords in those countries either), but if you people can convince me the EU's also responsible for the existence of the *British* monarchs, you may end up turning even me against it. :-)
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