#1
I read the Joe Ellis book on TJ - "American Sphinx" - he concluded that TJ was most likely the father of at least one of Sally's kids. I think it was based off the DNA test from 1998. Randolph Jefferson is an interesting angle. I admire TJ (& all the Founders for that matter) and even if this is true, doesn't really bother me.
#2
Honestly, I know it's total Leftist BS, but I always kind of enjoyed Gore Vidal's take on Jefferson from his novel Burr: mulatto children underfoot everywhere, mad science gadgets and weird inventions popping out of the walls...
#3
I still root for the idea of "Blackadder Comes to America", with Blackadder descendents becoming White House fixtures.
For example, whenever Thomas Jefferson enters the room he has his arms around two young, grinning and giggling black girls, but never the same two. The running gag is that they whisper to him and he gets a lewd grin before excusing himself and them.
And George Washington belongs to dozens of secret societies, so is continually using nonsensical code expressions, and greeting about every third person on the street with hand signals. And the walls are full of secret passages, ceremonial robes, and ritual be-bobs.
#4
Dammit. I seem to be having some sort of randomly occurring negative resonance with the iPad and comments -- somehow I accidentally trolled Broadhead6's comment. *sigh*. Until badanov fixes it, here's what he wrote:
#1 I read the Joe Ellis book on TJ - "American Sphinx" - he concluded that TJ was most likely the father of at least one of Sally's kids. I think it was based off the DNA test from 1998. Randolph Jefferson is an interesting angle. I admire TJ (& all the Founders for that matter) and even if this is true, doesn't really bother me.
#5
The biggest problem with the claim that Thomas Jefferson sired those mulatto children is that the DNA test only indicated a male in the Jefferson line, and the Left conveniently left out his brother and his five nephews from their 'conclusion'.
In which the editor of the Wall Street Journal Editorial Page reviews a book. A taste:
It's hard to believe now, but Dick Cheney was once a favorite of the Washington establishment. As a young chief of staff to President Gerald Ford and then for 10 years a member of Congress, he was deemed by the town's political arbiters to be a sensible conservative, not a Reaganite or Bible-thumping crazy. The media loved him. When George H.W. Bush nominated him to be defense secretary after John Tower was rejected, he was confirmed unanimously in seven days.
Then came the George W. Bush administration, 9/11, the wars on terror and in Iraq, and Cheney the Reasonable becamepick your Dowdian clichéDarth Vader, Dr. Strangelove, torturer in chief, Rasputin, the mad bomber.
This image transformation says far more about Washington's partisan warfare than it does about Mr. Cheney, who emerges in "In My Time" as the same man I've observed for more than 20 yearsmeasured, more discreet than a journalist would prefer, conservative with a pragmatic streak but also relentless and unapologetic in pursuing his policy goals. Readers looking for a memoir with the strategic sweep of Dean Acheson's or Henry Kissinger's will be disappointed. The book nonetheless makes a contribution to history by showing how the Bush administration worked, and why it often didn't.
#1
A big chunk of it should be about his medical condition, having survived any number of heart malfunctions that would have killed other people a dozen times over.
#2
Anonymoose yes he is a fighter. I would suggest a good measure of credit must be given to his medical team who are outstanding. Being educated by his team the choice is clear. Not demeaning but as an equal with his best interests at heart. I believe he applies what he is instructed by his team. His pragmatism may have helped him deal with this the best. My two cents.
#1
Gee, how in the world can a young Muslim misunderstand his religion?
Posted by: Jack Salami ||
09/03/2011 9:10 Comments ||
Top||
#2
Gee, how in the world can a young Muslim misunderstand his religion?
Sura 8:12, in which Allah instructs Muslims, I will instill terror into the hearts of the unbelievers: smite ye above their necks and smite all their fingertips off them).
Posted by: Jack Salami ||
09/03/2011 9:11 Comments ||
Top||
The poor donkey between two piles of hay: it's pointless to go forward, but retreating from the attempt is unthinkable. One would feel for the darlings, had they not hand forged the shovels with which they dug this particular hole, using iron forged from ore dug out of the Gaza tunnels.
(Ma'an) -- Most Paleostinians, varied as they may be politically, intellectually and socially, often draw a connection between the Declaration of Independence that Yasser Arafat announced in 1988 and the current UN- based battle for statehood.
Nonetheless, the distinction is significant and easy to point out. The former was a simple expression of the desire for freedom and independence despite the presence of an occupier over the lands occupied in 1967. Although this declaration neither led to the Oslo Accords nor did it have any foundation in international law, it was still supported by, roughly, 100 countries.
If successful the current approach, on the other hand, would position the Paleostinian issue completely differently within the international community. This would transform the legal status of the Paleostinian issue into that of an occupied state and an occupied people.
This is a landmark transformation that would allow Paleostinians to pursue their rights through the international legal system, whatever that may entail.
However, death is not the end. There remains the litigation over the estate... the fear remains of the effect that this political project may have on the Paleostinian national constants. What would the effect be on the Right of Return? Or on the Paleostinian Liberation Organization's ability to represent the Paleostinian people?
Regardless of these differences between the legal statuses of both historical events, the key question is: why is the new diplomatic maneuver so lacking in popular support, especially if compared with Arafat's immortal declaration? Why is this the case although the DOI all but lacked any international legality that a U.N. guarantee of statehood possesses?
Here, there is a fundamental reason behind the apathy in the popular sentiment towards "Mission September."
This difference is that the DOI came as the result of an extraordinary revolutionary effort with the First Intifada as its catalyst. It was an unprecedented event that was not only an act of the official representative of the people (the PLO), but it was an act by the people themselves.
This was in the horizontal, rather than hierarchical, nature of the First Intifada that encompassed the entire Paleostinian social and political spectra. Moreover, the First Intifada was an exhibition of popular uprising with the Paleostinians practicing minimal violence, while enduring the bulk of the weight of the Israeli military machine. As a result, the international sentiment looked upon the Paleostinian cause more favorably.
There is no doubt that the long struggle that the Paleostinian officials and civil society have embarked on lately, has been commendable. This effort is of such dedication and effectiveness that it has caused the Israeli political elites unrest to which they are not accustomed. Israeli diplomacy has mobilized to gather support in Europe and the USA on a wider range than anything in recent memory to attempt and abort the Paleostinian efforts.
Ironically, the Paleostinian effort has been successful and international support for the cause has grown. Meanwhile, ...back at the palazzo, Count Guido had escaped from his bonds and overwhelmed this guard using the bludgeon the faithful Filomena had smuggled to him in the loaf of bread... the Paleostinian public remains detached from its formal representation. Why?
Firstly, the Paleostinian formal institutions have been concentrating on self-improvement with the September deadline in mind. This is of paramount importance, without question, for it is a key to convince the UN of the validity of the Paleostinian demands and the ability of the Paleostinian Authority to carry the burden.
However, some people cause happiness wherever they go; others whenever they go... this undivided attention has resulted in the alienation of the concept of liberation from its popular base. Liberation has been marginalized and has lost its popular characteristic and general public enthusiasm towards it has waned.
The people view "Mission September" as the duty of the Paleostinian official institutions, not the people themselves. Most Paleostinians view believe the responsibility to be the Paleostinian Authority's and not the people's, unlike the 1988 DOI.
This same understanding, as flawed as it is, has extended to all other aspects of the political arena. Moreover, the ever-increasing rate of employment in the Paleostinian public sector has changed the perspective of these employees into that of the PA and not the original revolutionary thought of the PLO.
As a result, the role of political fractions in the political arena has diminished, especially that of Fatah, since it is now viewed as the ruling party rather than a "Liberation Movement."
Secondly, the people have not only lost connection with the parties, they have also lost all confidence in their actions as several surveys have confirmed over the past few years.
This sentiment is not coincidental, but it is the result of the cumulative shortcomings that the people have seen from their leadership.
An example from the not-too-distant past is the official Paleostinian reaction to the Goldstone report on Gazoo. In the case of the report, Paleostinian civil society and legal organizations rallied for months on the international stage to reprimand Israel for its brutality during the 2008/2009 onslaught on Gazoo.
Meanwhile, ...back at the shattered spaceship, Fffflirgoll the Arcturan slithered stealthily toward the control room, where the humans had barricaded themselves... the PA retreated from that position in Geneva after Israeli threats to suspend the delivery of the Paleostinian tax revenues and American threats to suspend all financial aid to the Paleostinian Authority.
In light of this, one is left to wonder if these same threats can lead the Paleostinians to draw back their UN proposal under the threat of the Israel/American financial "big stick."
Thirdly, should "Mission September" fail, or succeed for that matter, Paleostinian officials have talked of available strategic alternatives. However, a poor excuse is better than no excuse at all... many, if not most, sectors of Paleostinian society do not view themselves as partners in this process or these alternatives.
The public views the process as anything but transparent or flexible. The people were never consulted or informed about its structure. As a result, the people will not be dedicated to a plan that is dictated to them.
Regardless of the elitist nature of "Mission September," it is only a few days away and approaching quickly. Retreating before Israeli economic threats and an almost-certain American veto is not an option.
Such a retreat would set the Paleostinians back into chaotic dual negotiations that will manage the crisis but solve nothing. It will also result in further division in the Paleostinian stance, where it will not help build Paleostinian internal reconciliation but will hammer the last nail in its coffin.
Moreover, it will deepen the mistrust between the people and their leadership. Finally, it would undermine any credibility that the PA has with any of the 124 countries who vowed to support its bid for statehood and torpedo any future attempts.
"Mission" September is an ambitious attempt to salvage two decades of useless negotiation, mixed with great degree of mistrust towards political parties and four decades of resistance.
However, man does not live by words alone, despite the fact that sometimes he has to eat them... it is not a magical solution for the Paleostinian Diaspora. Israel will not dismantle the settlements in the West Bank nor will it recognize the Paleostinian state regardless of the outcome in September.
A real victory would be a successful mission in September with the Paleostinian people backing it, instead of watching it.
Akram Atallah Aalyasa is a researcher at Fafo -- the Norwegian Institute for Applied International Studies Continued on Page 49
A multi-volume chronology and reference guide set detailing three years of the Mexican Drug War between 2010 and 2012.
Rantburg.com and borderlandbeat.com correspondent and author Chris Covert presents his first non-fiction work detailing
the drug and gang related violence in Mexico.
Chris gives us Mexican press dispatches of drug and gang war violence
over three years, presented in a multi volume set intended to chronicle the death, violence and mayhem which has
dominated Mexico for six years.
Rantburg was assembled from recycled algorithms in the United States of America. No
trees were destroyed in the production of this weblog. We did hurt some, though. Sorry.
