[ open on Wahabbist mosque, Imam and terrorist arguing ]
Terrorist: It's a war for Islamic domination!
Iman: It's a spiritual quest!
Terrorist: It's a war for Islamic domination!
Iman: It's a spiritual quest, you donkey!
CAIR Spokesman: [ enters quickly ] Hey, hey, hey, calm down, you two Islamists. Global jihad is both a spiritual quest and a war for Islamic domination! Here, I'll load up your bomb vest.. [ stuffs C-4 into pouches ] ..and issue a fatwah condoning it. [ hands imam a scroll ]
[ Imam reads scroll while terrorist straps on vest ]
Iman: Wow, this sanctifies everything!
Terrorist: And just look at my new vest! But will it detonate?
CAIR Spokesman: Hey, global jihad threatens every other leading political ideology, 2 to 1. It's intolerant, and easy to trigger.
Iman: And it's holy!
CAIR Spokesman: Sure is! Perks up anything from a Friday prayer session to a huge terrorist rally!
Terrorist: Made from an exclusive non-percussive formula.
Iman: I haven't even finished reading this fatwa and I'm ready for another!
Terrorist: But what about the Jews?
CAIR Spokesman: Jews, shiites, even moderate Muslims, are wiped off of the map.
[ Imam briefly shows fatwa to terrorist ]
Iman: So, shaheed, what do you think?
Terrorist: Oh, no problem, not with global jihad!
[ CAIR Spokesman laughs continuously as he approaches the camera ]
CAIR Spokesman: Global jihad, for the greatest ideology you ever exploded!
Not available in stores, see your local mosque for details. Turbans and detonators sold separately. Stated threat levels are for comparison purposes only. Your death toll may vary depending upon location and blast conditions. See your imam for more indoctrination. Extended warranty not available for explosives. Parts and service may require extra European aid. Offer available for a limited time only. Void where prohibited by pre-emptive nuclear strike.
A four-part essay, Bill Whittle style, on the history of Estonia and recents events there regarding Russia. His essay is studded with memories from childhood. A sample:
I remember signatures being collected in schools for the language law. I don't know what the signatures were for, or why they were asking 9-year olds to do it. But I remember signing it and I remember feeling joy doing it. We were told we didn't have to wear our Octobrist pins anymore. That day I went home and asked my mom for a hammer. I sat on the front steps of my house and I beat that grotesque pentagram and Lenin's bald head into a flat piece of metal. I now wish I'd kept it, but back then I just wanted to be rid of it.
They gave us new schoolbooks. The old ones all started with a four-page adulation of Lenin, the Lover of Children and Our Great Father. They said we could throw the old ones away. My school was only about 50 meters away from the Bronze Soldier and the Eternal Flame, a recessed gas fire, was still burning there. Me and some of my friends didn't feel like dumping the books in a trash can. After school, we went to the Flame and we ripped those books to shreds and burned them. Keep in mind we were 9-year-olds. No one told us to burn those books. We weren't politically savvy. But we knew almost viscerally that this shit they had been forcing on us was pure, unadulterated evil.
When it came to defeating the Soviets, Ronald Reagan made it simple: "We win, they lose." Now more than ever, the defeatists in Congress must hear that same message. America will never surrender.
To: Nancy Pelosi, Speaker of the House
Harry Reid, U.S. Senate Democrat Leader
Congress has passed and President Bush has vetoed H.R. 1591, the Iraq Surrender Act of 2007.
This legislation, which you worked to pass, sets a timetable for surrender. It pulls the rug out from under our troops. That is shameful and wrong.
I stand with our troops. I stand for victory. I support the President's veto and will urge my representatives to vote to sustain it.
There can be one and only one outcome in Iraq: We win, they lose.
#1
I signed it.
But as far as "urging my representatives to vote to sustain it", I might as well sit here and hit myself in the head with a ballpeen hammer all day.
From the Washington Post Opinion Page regarding life in Iraq. The writer is foreign minister of Iraq. by Hoshyar Zebari
Last weekend a traffic jam several miles long snaked out of the Mansour district in western Baghdad. The delay stemmed not from a car bomb closing the road but from a queue to enter the city's central amusement park. The line became so long some families left their cars and walked to enjoy picnics, fairground rides and soccer, the Iraqi national obsession.
Across the city, restaurants are slowly filling and shops are reopening. The streets are busy. Iraqis are not cowering indoors. The appalling death tolls from suicide attacks are often high because of crowding at markets. These days you are as likely to hear complaints about traffic congestion as about the security situation. Across Baghdad there is a cacophony of sirens from ambulances, firefighters and police providing public services. You cannot even escape the curse of traffic wardens ticketing illegally parked cars.
These small but significant snippets of normality are overshadowed by acts of gross violence, which fuel the opinion of some that Iraq is in a downward spiral. The Iraqi people are indeed suffering tremendous hardships and making grave sacrifices -- but daily life goes on for 7 million Baghdadis struggling to take back their capital and country.
Today, at an international summit on the future of Iraq in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, my government will ask the international community to maintain its engagement in our country to help us achieve our goals of security and stability. We recognize that our request conflicts with a plethora of voices decrying the situation in Iraq and those in the British and American publics who seek an expeditious withdrawal from a war they claim is all but lost.
So why should the world remain engaged in Iraq?
There is no denying the difficulties Iraq faces, and no amount of good news can obscure the demons of terrorism and sectarianism that have risen in my country. But there is too much at stake to risk failure, and everything to gain by helping us protect our hard-won democratic achievements and emerge as a stable, self-sustaining country.
We remain determined in spite of our losses. Spectacular attacks may dominate foreign headlines, but they cannot change the reality that Iraq has made steady political, economic and social progress over the past four years. We continue to strengthen our nascent democratic institutions, pursue national reconciliation and expand Iraqi security forces. The Baghdad security plan was conceived to give us breathing space to expedite political and economic development by "securing and holding" neighborhoods across the capital. There is no quick fix, but there have been real results: Winning public confidence has led to a spike in intelligence, a disruption of terrorist networks and the capture of key leaders, as well as the discovery of weapons caches. In Anbar province, Sunni sheikhs and insurgents have turned against al-Qaeda and to the side of Iraqi security forces. This would have been unthinkable even six months ago.
Contrary to popular belief, most government ministries are located outside the Green Zone, and employees drive to work every day despite death threats and attacks on colleagues and families. We government ministers are always at risk of assassination. When a suicide bomber attacked parliament last month, the legislators sat in defiance in an extraordinary session the following day. I am particularly inspired by the commitment of the young diplomats in the Foreign Ministry, a diverse mix of Sunni, Shiite, Christian, Arab and Kurdish men and women who serve their country without subscribing to religious or sectarian divisions.
Iraqis are standing up every day, and we persevere because there is no other option. We will not surrender our country to terrorists. They have failed to cripple the elected government, and they have failed to intimidate us into submission. Iraqis reject their vision of a future whose hallmarks are bloodshed and hatred.
Those calling for withdrawal may think it is the least painful option, but its benefits would be short-lived. The fate of the region and the world is linked with ours. Leaving a broken Iraq in the Middle East would offer international terrorism a haven and ensure a legacy of chaos for future generations. Furthermore, the sacrifices of all the young men and women who stood up here would have been in vain.
Iraqis, for all our determination and courage, cannot succeed alone. We need a healthy and supportive regional environment. We will not allow our country to be a battleground for settling scores in regional and international conflicts that adversely affect stability inside our borders. Only with continued international commitment and deeper engagement from our neighbors can we establish a stable democratic, federal and united Iraq. The world should not abandon us.
#1
What these people REALLY need is to escape from Islam. Denounce it, convert, get out, raze the mosques, start thinking like human beings not robots programmed by some goat phalking cleric.
Dance, sing, listen to music, stop praying to the stone god 5 times a day. When you hear that bullhorn guy yelling 'yaaaa eeyaaa eyeah yayaaah', shoot the son-of-a-bitch. Escape the yoke of the religion of blood and death...your blood...your death.
#2
Let me know when the Iraqi people make some sort of united national gesture of gratitude to America and the Coalition for liberating them from Saddam's murderous tyranny. So long as they continue to regard us an occupying force, they can pound hot dry sand. Yes, I'm happy that they're making progress. I just do not see much of a shift away from the Islamic bullshit that will continue to make them into an enemy.
#3
The main problem for iraqis IMHO is not religion, but demography. At least it is in the former USSR countries once occupied by soviets.
There is a need for religion or ideology which can make people to have at least as many children as there are in islamic countries. Otherwise, the only advantage is technology which, as you perfectly know, can be bought by any conflicting side given enough money.
Look at the demography at the IL-PA conflict. The israelis in demography are doing best of europeans, but this is still not enough to prevent the flood attack of aggressive fanatics.
#5
Nesvarbukas, at least half the Israelis come from the Muslim world, mainly the Middle East (they were forcefully ejected after the Arab armies did not manage to overrun the brand new Israel in 1948, and about half the ejectees managed to survive the trek to the borders) -- and their birth rate is considerably higher than that of the European-descended Jews. On the other side of the fence, the Palestinian birth rate isn't nearly as high as trumpeted, and has been falling steadily since 1967. A few years ago someone looked closely at the statistics put out by the Palestinian "leadership", and discovered at least a one million overcount.
Since the security fence went up and the Palestinians turned their need to kill inward upon themselves, the rate of emigration has steadily accelerated. The percentages who've already left, and those who are actively working toward leaving, are significant fractions of the population, fractions with small integers as denominators.
#6
No the problem is Islam. It is stagnant and lifeless - nothing grows, nothing developes. Oriana Fallaci wrote that it is like a dead stagnant pool - poisonous to anyone who drinks from it and so it is - and she is absolutely right.
Its a death cult where those who murder the innocent are made 'heroes' and those who die while murdering innocents are made 'martyrs' and promised eternal sexual bless in the afterlife. Where women are held in bondage and are treated as property - less then goats. They have to be hidden from head to foot because the islamic man simply cannot (or will not) restrain himself.
Those who are enslaved by it cannot easily escape. Its illegal ( and most likely a death sentence) to convert to something else. You cannot even talk about any other religion without risking your life.
Posted by: Frank G ||
05/04/2007 07:35 ||
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#1
It's refreshing to read the words of a politician writing about stuff the USA gets right. Where the USA has made a positive difference in the lives of strangers. You don't hear this sort of thing from the dhimmicrats.
Run Fred, run.
Posted by: Mark Z ||
05/04/2007 9:20 Comments ||
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#2
Life for women under the Taliban and similar governments ought to inspire anger and indignation in everybody, especially human rights advocates. Im constantly surprised, however, by the apparent apathy among many who say they care about the rights of women and other minorities.
Nice sentiment, now please do something about it. Sponsor some legislation declaring sharia a violation of human rights. Threaten to cut off all aid to rights organizations that do not make a similar declaration. Demand the ouster of all CAIR executive and members from America. Seek aid cuts to countries that impose sharia law. Condemn the preferential treatment of Muslims by the media and such appeasements as the footwashing benches at KCI.
Most of all, start positioning the republican party as one that is more concerned about real human rights than the hypocritical liberals.
#3
Zenster: He has to become President first. Then he can start to act. The fact is Fred! is being more open about this than any candidate so far. And I do think he's a candidate for the Republican Nomination, he's just letting the other candidates tear themselves apart before announcing. And judging from what I heard of the first debate last night it's a good choice.
Posted by: Charles ||
05/04/2007 13:19 Comments ||
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#4
A plain spoken man TO lead the ticket - a less plain spoken but passionate thinker to balance the ticket.
Horseradish. Thompson can agitate for such measures right now. This is the very best time to do so as the public's attention is more focused on politics. Plus, as I mentioned, the republicans desperately need to hoist the democrats by their own human rights petard. No better time than the present.
Helping oppressed women in foreign countries won't help those clowns NOW, et idiot al., bash white Western men, so why should they care?
What, you thought they actually cared about all women, not just themselves? Silly you.
Posted by: Barbara Skolaut ||
05/04/2007 21:54 Comments ||
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#8
Germane Greer defending Female Genital Mutilation as a valid part of Muslim culture sort blew that lameass shit straight out the window. Eh, Barbara?
Non-specialist writings on modern jihad as a form of organized political violence usually commence with the Iranian revolution of 1979 and the anti-Soviet resistance in Afghanistan in the 1980s. However, decades before those two events, a secret jihad in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) had been kick-started by Pakistan that rages on to this day. For sheer longevity, it is second to none in the contemporary annals of Islamism.
In India, Pakistan and the Secret Jihad, a revisionist history based on classified Indian intelligence data, Praveen Swami, senior journalist of Frontline magazine, highlights the ignored narrative thread of covert warfare in J&K. The author's counterintuitive proposition is that the sub-conventional war in J&K after 1989 was not the first but the fifth phase of a jihad of attrition that began as soon as Pakistan was created in 1947.
Phase 1: The informal war
At the dawn of independence, despite its ostensible military superiority, India's intelligence apparatus was in ruins. Qurban Ali, the senior-most officer, chose Pakistani citizenship and transferred every file of importance to his new home. In 1948, Gul Hasan Khan, the commander-in-chief of the Pakistani armed forces, candidly admitted that an "elder statesman" of his country arranged covert supplies of weapons to Islamist gangs battling the accession of Hyderabad to India.
In 1951, the first major low-grade terrorist initiative by Pakistan was calibrated destruction of telephone lines, bridges and guesthouses in J&K. The goal was to disrupt elections to the Constituent Assembly that was steering the state toward full-scale integration into India.
In the late 1950s, Pakistan's police intelligence trained covert operatives in guerrilla combat skills under the banner of "Mujahid Force". There were striking resemblances between the fundamentalist Islamist beliefs of these pioneers and those of a successor generation of jihadis. Besides sabotage, the early brigades bombed temples and mosques in 1957 to incite Hindu-Muslim violence in J&K.
Success was hard to come by and the Pakistan Intelligence Bureau's essentialist myths of Indian "submission and servility" were mercilessly exposed. Indian authorities charged a popular Kashmiri politician, Sheikh Abdullah, with colluding with the covert Pakistani agenda in 1958, but the evidence was inconclusive in what was known as the "Kashmir Conspiracy Case".
Phase 2: The master cell
India's humiliating defeat by China in 1962 opened the door of opportunity for a new round of clandestine war. Several in Pakistan's policy establishment were convinced that conditions in J&K were ripe for a mass uprising against India. Orders went out to "intensify the firecracker type of activity that was already current" and to "arm the locals against the Indian army of occupation" (p 55).
A central organization named "Master Cell" was set up in Srinagar to supervise several subsidiary groups assigned to conduct strikes and demonstrations in colleges, issue incendiary posters, train cadres in the use of weapons, and guide Pakistani irregular forces to government depots during the 1965 war with India.
In the event of Pakistan's defeat in the war, these cells were to facilitate the work of "stay-back agents" who would remain in J&K to carry out missions. One key cell member, Fazl-ul Haq Qureshi, stated that his group was "a nodal agency for freedom fighters who had come from Pakistan" (p 65).
Although India and Pakistan signed a ceasefire in September 1965, the undercover war went on. A terror campaign of lobbing grenades in commercial hubs and burning prominent buildings in Srinagar was kept up. Assassination threats were issued to pro-India politicians and rumors were spread about the presence an "execution list".
To whip up public emotions, religious propaganda continued apace in important shrines and mosques, and repeated allegations were made that the police harassed members of Muslim congregations. Swami notes that "the Master Cell was mired in communal politics and a right-wing vision of Islam" (p 71). Police raids eventually broke the cell up, and many of its members went on to reconcile with India, joining the government in high-ranking posts.
Phase 3: Al-Fatah
In the late 1960s, Pakistan's covert agencies turned to Algeria and Palestine for inspiration. The growing interest of Pakistan's officer corps in doctrines of non-conventional war led a new bunch of jihadis to derive tactical inspiration from left-wing anti-imperialist struggles. Swami comments that "the means of praxis of left [wing] insurgencies were dyed with the deep-green color of Islam" in a new outfit, al-Fatah (p 87).
In 1969, its recruits received clear instructions during a visit to Pakistan to launch intense attacks on government offices, banks and treasuries in J&K. Records indicate that al-Fatah succeeded in gathering 20 discrete sets of intelligence, including restricted Indian army documents, and passed them on to the Pakistan High Commission in New Delhi.
A daring heist opened the trail of the organization to Indian police, and it was shut down in 1971 well before much damage could be caused. In 1975, the bulk of its cadres went "mainstream" to endorse the agreement between Sheikh Abdullah and Indian prime minister Indira Gandhi on limited autonomy for J&K.
Phase 4: The war of many fronts
The creation of Bangladesh clogged the military pipeline of the secret jihad because Pakistan was racked by internal turmoil. Only in the early 1980s did the contours of a map for reviving the jihad become apparent.
This coincided with the elevation of Islam in Pakistan's military strategy and fresh confidence that "it could do to India what it had done to the Soviet Union in Afghanistan" (p 145). The assuring factor for Islamabad was that it energetically pursued a nuclear-weapons program as a "shield behind which the jihad could be pursued without inviting Indian retaliation" (p 141).
While J&K was still quiescent, Pakistan opened a new front by abetting terrorism in Indian Punjab. Swami furnishes considerable evidence of the direct involvement of Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence in training and sheltering leaders of the Khalistan movement. The decision to arm and infiltrate massive numbers of mujahideen to fight in J&K was made "because of the success of Pakistan's low-cost, low-risk, high-return investment in Punjab" (p 153).
In 1987, the superficially secular Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) and the chauvinist Jamaat-e-Islami received wholehearted authorization from Pakistan for a joint offensive in J&K. The dividing lines between Kashmiri nationalism and religious fundamentalism were, as always, exceedingly thin. Independence and Islam were interchangeable slogans in the minds of Pakistani planners. The gruesome killings, deportations and moral policing that ensued in J&K were "the outcome of the organic ideology of jihad, not the aberrant actions of marginal groups" (p 168).
Phase 5: The nuclear jihad
By 1992-93, Pakistan had thrown its weight behind the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen and decimated the JKLF. To manage the covert war more thoroughly, from 1994 Islamabad pumped in more of its own nationals and those from the Middle East into J&K. Newer Pakistani terror groups saw Kashmir as "one battlefield in a larger war between Islam and kufr", or unbelief (p 180).
The Lashkar-e-Tayyaba, for instance, called upon its cadres to "capture Hindu temples, destroy the idols and then hoist the flag of Islam on them" (p 181). Such ideological venom was not a discontinuity but a natural advancement built on the views of jihadis of previous decades.
As India once again began to wear the jihad down, Pakistan planned the Kargil invasion to revitalize it in 1999. Even when this move boomeranged because of US fears of nuclear escalation, jihadis mounted serious pressure on India through a wave of terrorist attacks on civilians. Delhi faced "better armed and trained terrorist cadre than prior to the Kargil war, and in greater numbers" (p 193). The scale, frequency and geographical dispersion of fedayeen (daredevil but non-suicidal) attacks rose steadily, with regular bomb explosions in Indian cities, and jihadis vowed that "all of India's states will become Kashmir" (p 199).
As the set pattern would predict, by 2005, another ebb tide set in for the jihad, which lost its bite because of centrifugal tendencies. Violence in Kashmir reached its lowest levels since the late 1980s and infiltration across the Line of Control fell. Swami speculates that US pressure on President General Pervez Musharraf's regime and realization in Islamabad that the proxy war was bleeding Pakistan's economy may explain the lull. What is certain, though, is that jihadis' capabilities are untrammeled even if their intentions have been somewhat "worked on by Pakistan's covert services" (p 216).
The unmistakable lesson from Swami's account is that peace in Kashmir is chimerical unless the jihad is permanently interred. Too often in the past, it would lie low for a few years and then resurrect with greater firepower and viciousness. The late Pakistani prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's promise of waging a "thousand-year war on India", if unbroken, forecasts Phases 6, 7, 8 and so on of this longest jihad, well into the future.
Posted by: John Frum ||
05/04/2007 07:21 ||
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#1
My cristal ball tells me India will nuke Pakistan and end this conflict forever. Pakistan's back will be broken, but no one will care.
#2
More great info from John. The fact that there was a separation and that some Muslims departed India's borders probably has saved the nation of India and allowed it to progress to the high level it has now achieved. However, they have never dealt severely enough with the load of Pak fools. Maybe John can comment. Is this because there still exists a sizeable minority of Muslims still ensconced within India ? Why are they not made to move to Pakland ? That was their idea to form a separte nation was it not ? Let them/make them reside in their paradise. India has endured many direct attacks on their governments and peoples over the years. And, of course, the festering wound of Kashmir. Identical to Israel and Paleos. Muslims relish turmoil and mayhem and will never stop unless sent off to the happy hunting ground. Why is India so tolerant of these escapades ?
#3
the J&K Jihad is probably not the longest in contemporary Islam (Hindus have been subject to Massacre, ethnic cleansing and other persecution in E. Pakistan/Bangladesh since the early 70s.
Of the the genocide of Hindus on the subcontinent (about 1000 to about 1500) greatly exceeds, both in length and in ferocity, any contemporary Jihad
Because the Indian leaders at Independence believed in a secular country.
There are muslims in the Indian cabinet. Some states are ruled by muslim chief ministers. There are muslim Generals - it was the muslim Lt Gen Mohhamed Zaki, the head of the Northern Command, who took back Srinagar in Kashmir from the rule of militants in the late 1980s.
Today the richest man in India, Azim Premji the founder of outsourcing firm Wipro, is a muslim.
The President of India, Abdul Kalam, is a muslim.
Kalam is known as "missile man". He designed the first Indian satellite launch vehicles and ballistic missiles. Werner Von Braun himself visited Kalam in India in the 1960s and gave him encouragment. Next year a PSLV rocket, the successor to Kalam's SLV will send an Indian probe to the moon.
There exists today a generation of leaders, some born in what is now Pakistan, who retain fond memories of their life among muslim neighbors in places like Lahore and Karachi.
There are 150 million muslims in India (more than the entire population of Pakistan) and they cannot be made to move anywhere. They are simply too numerous.
Posted by: John Frum ||
05/04/2007 19:29 Comments ||
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A multi-volume chronology and reference guide set detailing three years of the Mexican Drug War between 2010 and 2012.
Rantburg.com and borderlandbeat.com correspondent and author Chris Covert presents his first non-fiction work detailing
the drug and gang related violence in Mexico.
Chris gives us Mexican press dispatches of drug and gang war violence
over three years, presented in a multi volume set intended to chronicle the death, violence and mayhem which has
dominated Mexico for six years.
Rantburg was assembled from recycled algorithms in the United States of America. No
trees were destroyed in the production of this weblog. We did hurt some, though. Sorry.
